Ideas for Surviving Food Shortages
Famine has afflicted humankind, shaping its demography and history from antiquity. Records of famine in ancient Egypt during the third millennium BC are depicted in bas-relief on the Causeway of the Pyramid of Unas in Saqqura. Biblical accounts of a famine resulting from drought in Egypt during the second millennium BC (Middle Kingdom) that stretched to Mesopotamia describe the devastation wrought on the land and society and the means by which Joseph predicted and managed its consequences. The fall of the Roman Empire followed repeated food shortages and famines from 500 BC to 500 AD. China experienced some 1828 famines, nearly one per year, from 108 BC to 1911 AD. The ranks of the Crusades in the eleventh and twelfth centuries swelled in response to promise of food. The storming of the Bastille and French Revolution followed decades of periodic rises in flour and bread prices that had caused widespread hunger and hardship, and hundreds of 'food riots.' Recurrent famine motivated the...
Such an adaptive phenomenon that accelerates the restitution of fat stores rather than diverting the energy saved toward compensatory increases in body protein synthesis (an energetically costly process) would have survival value in ancestral famine-and-feast lifestyle. This is because by virtue of the fact that body fat has a greater energy density and a lower energy cost of synthesis maintenance than protein, it would provide the organism with a greater capacity to rapidly rebuild an efficient energy reserve and hence to cope with recurrent food shortage. Thus, the functional role of the adipose-specific control of thermogenesis during weight recovery is to accelerate specifically the replenishment of the fat stores whenever food availability is increased after a long period of food deficit and severe depletion of body fat stores. It provides an alternative mechanism to recover survival capacity in the absence of hyperphagia. However, equally important for the survival of mammals...
Dyads as well as with single individuals. The bilateral kinship networks between household-head couples regulate the forms and intensity of interhousehold reciprocity in both economic and ritual activities, especially in labor cooperation, assistance during food shortage, and ritual obligations. There are no records of the existence of nonkin associations for males or females in traditional Lahu society.
Integral part of the relationships among siblings and their spouses. The common practice of village endogamy, together with the principle of gender unity underlying the bilateral kinship system, provide the structural basis for the perpetuation of strong sibling ties throughout the life course (Du, 2002). Particularly, marriages reinforce, rather than weaken, the brother-sister bond by incorporating siblings and their spouses into the core relatives who are expected to engage in the most intensive inter-household reciprocity. Ideally, the principle of generalized reciprocity guides the economic interactions between the households coheaded by siblings and siblings-in-law, especially in labor cooperation and coping with food shortage. Such households are also expected to engage in the most intense forms of ritual reciprocity.
Factors aggravating the climatic seasonal effects may be the occurrence of pests, for example, the arrival of locusts arriving with the rainy season in Sahel. Furthermore, seasonal patterns of food production are often superimposed upon longer term cycles, which leads to the periodic appearance of drought and famines in sub-Saharan Africa and in Central Asia.
The climate anomalies of 1972 and the global food shortages of 1972 to 1973 brought the possibility of climate change to the attention of a broader audience. Droughts in the Sahel region of Africa in the late 1960s and early 1970s had reminded people how dependent on climate humans remain. When drought also occurred in the Soviet Union in 1972, world grain prices doubled and global food shortages
In addition to financial scarcity, the shortage of medical specialists in many developing countries has led to a high mortality of patients suffering from various diseases. In the specific case of Ethiopia, the country's inadequate transportation infrastructure and large geographical area makes it more difficult than usual to provide health care services in remote and rural areas, where 85 percent of the population lives. Where clinics and hospitals do exist, especially outside urban areas, they are often poorly equipped and below the standards set by the World Health Organization (WHO). In addition, extended drought and famine have resulted in food shortages, illiteracy, and poor socioeconomic conditions.
Timpaus agriculture depends on a simple slash-and-burn technique. Roots such as yam, cassava, and taro are planted various vegetables like peppers, beans, sugar cane, and tomatoes are sown, and bananas, papaya, and pineapples are also grown. Breadfruit and mango trees also grow on Timpaus. Owing to deterioration of the soil, according to the islanders' estimation, their fields yield less than they did earlier. Recent repeated droughts and occasionally too much rain have also contributed to a reduction in cropping. However, when periods of mild starvation occur at Timpaus, this is not a novel situation. Many narratives and popular myths among the Timpaus Banggai are focused on food shortage and the threat of starvation. To supplement their own crops, the islanders import some rice and corn.
In tracing the etiology of a disease or symptoms, evolutionary medicine distinguishes proximate and ultimate causation, following Mayr's 1961 dichotomy (Durham, 1991). The proximate cause of type II (non-insulin dependent) diabetes mellitus is the inefficient use of insulin by the body. Genetic predisposition to this type of diabetes, typically seen in older adults, appears maladap-tive. However, the ultimate causation in an evolutionary sense can be discovered in the pressures of prehistoric times. Given the unreliability and fluctuation in food supplies for foragers and cultivators, genes that increased the efficiency of energy extraction from food sources and increased storage of dietary energy would prove particularly critical for survival in times of food shortages or famine. However, contemporary populations who have inherited the trait, called a thrifty genotype (Neel, 1962), may find that this genetic pattern is no longer adaptive in situations of ample or excessive food...
Shifts to modern lifestyles with increased food abundance, a lack of periodic food shortages, and a reduction in energy expenditure rendered a once adaptive genotype detrimental. The result is obesity, type 2 diabetes, and other characteristics of Syndrome X or insulinresistance metabolic syndrome, including high blood lipids and hypertension (Raven, 1988). Many authors have expanded on this hypothesis in other populations including additional selective pressures of cold stress from water and long ocean-going voyages for Pacific Island populations (Bindon & Baker, 1985 Zimmet et al., 1982) and extreme cold stress for Eskimo and Aleut populations (Shepard & Rode, 1996). High seasonal energy demands during slavery for African Americans posed an additional stress (Gibbs, Cargill, Lieberman, & Reitz, 1980 Lieberman, 2003). resulted from a combination of founder effect and selective pressures encountered in harsh Arctic environments by the first New World immigrant populations. Wendorf...
In the 1970s food and nutrition within anthropology was revived as nutritional anthropology in the United States. Pelto (1986) traces the development of the field to four social forces the world energy and food crisis in the early 1970s growing interest in the role of nutrition in health and diseases the emergence of ethnicity as a social and political phenomenon and an interest in gourmet food and cooking in affluent societies. The rise of cultural ecology as a theoretical perspective in anthropology was also central to the development of nutritional anthropology. The American Anthropological Association organized sessions on the biocultural perspective of nutrition in response to the increased interest in the 1970s and this resulted in a widely used publication (Jerome, Kandel, & Pelto, 1980). The Committee on Nutritional Anthropology
People living in areas of high climatic seasonality are well aware of the nutritional impact of seasonality, as indicated by the language they use to define such seasonal stress periods. The Massa of Cameroon call the month of July in the middle of the wet season the month of 'Did you call me for food ' and they have a word to define 'hunger with threat,' when food shortage has been too long and life is in danger. However, it was not until the 1950s that the scientific community started to appreciate the presence of a nutritional impact of seasonality, and its functional significance is still a matter of discussion.
Food shortages have been common in human prehistory and history. Nutrition was often a matter of feast and famine, and, therefore, those individuals who during times of feasting were able to store energy reserves in the form of fat to survive famines would have enjoyed a considerable survival advantage over those who did not have this capacity. But today this genetic adaptation for coping with a very small supply of nutritional glucose is blamed for causing health problems. The thrifty genotype was introduced in the 1960s by the geneticist James Neel and has since been debated. In the 1980s anthropologists demonstrated the lack of fit between the thriftiness of the glucose metabolism system and a diet characterized by a lot of carbohydrates. This was identified as a New World Syndrome. Studies of Native Americans, Australian Aborigines, Pacific islanders, and Alaskan Eskimos have reported higher rates of type II diabetes and obesity when traditional diets and patterns of physical...
Life in African communities is often a struggle against forces of destruction illness, disease, accidents, childlessness, suffering, misfortune, spirit possession, quarrels, war, and death. Natural threats such as drought, earthquakes, epidemics, famines, and locust invasions affect the whole community. When these forces of destruction strike the individual or the family, people ask who has caused it to happen. Even if there are physical explanations of how an accident has occurred, or how a disease like malaria or AIDS
Definitions of famine vary but all contain the necessary elements of widespread inaccessibility to food leading to mass numbers of starved individuals. Importantly, lack of access is not equivalent to nonavailability of food within a region, as most famines occur amidst food stocks sufficient to feed the afflicted population. More comprehensive definitions of famine may include elements of time dependency (e.g., steady, continuous erosion of or sudden collapse in food available for consumption), partial causation (e.g., due to natural calamity, armed conflict, or convergence of other complex causal events), class (e.g., affecting certain ethnic, geographic, economic or occupational groups more than others), and health consequence on a population scale (e.g., accompanied by epidemics of disease and high mortality) or other population responses (e.g., mass migration). While poverty-stricken communities tend to view famine as a continuum of increasing loss and oppression that typically...
Large numbers of people starve during famine, which is usually followed by epidemics of lethal infectious diseases. Typically, a plethora of forces or conditions act within society to deprive people of food to survive. General food decline in a population may be an important factor, but it is neither necessary nor sufficient as a cause, as amply revealed by critical treatises of numerous famines over the past two centuries. This has led analysts to recognize that famines are complex, often with many ('component') causes that vary in their attribution, depending on the classes of society affected, and their timing, severity, duration, and degree of interaction. The constellation of causes and potential solutions of famine can be examined from ecological, economic, social, and public health perspectives, each offering different insights into the ecology of famine. While each view is valid and informative, none are complete or mutually exclusive, making it necessary to integrate these...
Market failure famines occur when free, competitive market forces, driven by agriculture, transportation, communication and trade, and enabled by an abiding government fail to assure minimal entitlement to food, either directly (through subsistence) or via trade for a large sector of society. Following Amartya Sen, entitlement failure is an economic phenomenon, broadly defined, in which individuals and households are
Most is known about household and community coping mechanisms in response to famines due to market failure. In cultures where food shortage or inaccessibility to large sectors of society is chronic, and threat of famine periodic, there exist indigenous responses that enable the local populace to cope, protect their entitlement, and minimize as best it can the risk of starvation as terms of exchange for food deteriorate (illustrated as a concept in Figure 4).
Numerous reports have suggested that nutritional deficiencies in general would cause adverse birth outcomes. As an example, a Dutch midwife found an increase in NTD in 1722 and 1732, 2 yr that were linked with poor crops. She also noted that the children with NTD came from the poorest homes in urban areas (1). A similar observation was made in the children who were exposed in utero to severe food shortage during the Second World War in Holland. In addition to a significant decrease in birth weight, there was also a significant increase in the rate of NTD (2).
During 1913, Russians near Siberia experienced extreme food shortage and were forced to eat grains of wheat, millet, and barley that had been left outside during the winter. The melting snow increased the moisture content, which favored mold growth and resulted in a large outbreak of mycotoxicosis. The disease, referred to
The pattern of child growth, including dependency on older individuals for food and protection, small body size, slow rate of growth, and delayed reproductive maturation, entails liabilities. Mild-to-moderate energy under-nutrition is, perhaps, the most common risk, with estimates that 28 of all children, equaling 150 million, are undernourished in developing nations (UNICEF, 2001). Undernutrition may be due to food shortages alone, but equally likely it is due to work loads and infectious disease loads placed on children that compromise their energy balance (Worthman, 1993). Viewed in historical perspective, unreasonable work loads for
Budiansky, S., The Covenant of the Wild Why Animals Chose Domestication (New York Morrow, 1992) Clutton-Brock, J., Domesticated Animals from Early Times (London British Museum Natural History and Heinemann, 1981) Cohen, M. N., The Food Crisis in Prehistory Overpopulation and the Origins of Agriculture (New Haven Yale University Press, 1977) Serpell, J. A., In the Company of Animals, 2nd ed. (Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 1996) Zeuner, F. E., A History of Domesticated Animals (London Hutchinson, 1963).
Official Download Page Food For Freedom
Free version of Food For Freedom can not be found on the internet. And you can safely download your risk free copy of Food For Freedom from the special discount link below.